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Nikolai Sablin

Nikolai Sablin


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Nikolai Sablin, the son of a landowner, was born in 1854. While at Moscow University he became involved in revolutionary politics.

Sablin went to Zurich in 1874 but returned to Russia the following year. He was arrested in March, 1875, but was not tried until January, 1878. He was found guilty but was soon released because of the long time he had been awaiting trial.

In October, 1879, Sablin joined the People's Will (Narodnaya Volya) organization. Other members included Vera Figner, Anna Korba, Andrei Zhelyabov, Timofei Mikhailov, Lev Tikhomirov, Mikhail Frolenko, Grigory Isaev, Sophia Perovskaya, Nikolai Sablin, Ignatei Grinevitski, Nikolai Kibalchich, Nikolai Rysakov, Gesia Gelfman, Anna Yakimova, Tatiana Lebedeva and Alexander Kviatkovsky all joined the People's Will. Figner later recalled: "We divided up the printing plant and the funds - which were in fact mostly in the form of mere promises and hopes... And as our primary aim was to substitute the will of the people for the will of one individual, we chose the name Narodnaya Volya for the new Party."

Michael Burleigh, the author of Blood & Rage: A Cultural History of Terrorism (2008), has argued that the main influence on this small group was Sergi Nechayev: "The terrorist nucleus of Land and Freedom had already adopted many of Nechayev's dubious practices, including bank robberies and murdering informers. People's Will also borrowed his tactic of suggesting to the credulous that it was the tip of a much larger revolutionary organisation - the Russian Social Revolutionary Party - which in reality was non-existent. There was an imposing-sounding Executive Committee all right, but this was coterminous with the entire membership of People's Will... In fact, People's Will never had more than thirty or forty members, who would then recruit agents for spectific tasks or to establish affiliate cells within sections of society deemed to have revolutionary potential."

The People's Will decided to assassinate Alexander II. A directive committee was formed consisting of Andrei Zhelyabov, Timofei Mikhailov, Lev Tikhomirov, Mikhail Frolenko, Vera Figner, Sophia Perovskaya and Anna Yakimova. Zhelyabov was considered the leader of the group. However, Figner considered him to be overbearing and lacking in depth: "He had not suffered enough. For him all was hope and light." Zhelyabov had a magnetic personality and had a reputation for exerting a strong influence over women.

Zhelyabov and Perovskaya attempted to use nitroglycerine to destroy the Tsar train. However, the terrorist miscalculated and it destroyed another train instead. An attempt the blow up the Kamenny Bridge in St. Petersburg as the Tsar was passing over it was also unsuccessful. Figner blamed Zhelyabov for these failures but others in the group felt he had been unlucky rather than incompetent.

In January 1881 the People's Will began to make plans for another assassination attempt. Those involved in the plot included Sablin, Sophia Perovskaya, Andrei Zhelyabov, Vera Figner, Anna Yakimova, Grigory Isaev, Gesia Gelfman, Ignatei Grinevitski, Nikolai Kibalchich, Nikolai Rysakov, Mikhail Frolenko, Timofei Mikhailov, Tatiana Lebedeva and Alexander Kviatkovsky.

Kibalchich, Isaev and Yakimova were commissioned to prepare the bombs that were needed to kill the Tsar. Isaev made some technical error and a bomb went off badly damaging his right hand. Yakimova took him to hospital, where she watched over his bed to prevent him from incriminating himself in his delirium. As soon as he regained consciousness he insisted on leaving, although he was now missing three fingers of his right hand. He was unable to continue working and Yakimova now had sole responsibility for preparing the bombs.

It was discovered that every Sunday the Tsar took a drive along Malaya Sadovaya Street. It was decided that this was a suitable place to attack. Yakimova was given the task of renting a flat in the street. Gesia Gelfman had a flat on Telezhnaya Street and this became the headquarters of the assassins whereas the home of Vera Figner was used as an explosives workshop.

Nikolai Kibalchich wanted to make a nitroglycerine bomb but Andrei Zhelyabov regarded it as "unreliable". Sophia Perovskaya favoured mining. Eventually it was decided that the Tsar's carriage should be mined, with hand grenades at the ready as a second strategy. If all else failed, one of the members of the assassination team should step forward and stab the Tsar with a dagger. It was Kibalchich's job to provide the hand grenades.

The Okhrana discovered that their was a plot to kill Alexander II. One of their leaders, Andrei Zhelyabov, was arrested on 28th February, 1881, but refused to provide any information on the conspiracy. He confidently told the police that nothing they could do would save the life of the Tsar. Alexander Kviatkovsky, another member of the assassination team, was arrested soon afterwards.

The conspirators decided to make their attack on 1st March, 1881. Sophia Perovskaya was worried that the Tsar would now change his route for his Sunday drive. She therefore gave the orders for bombers to he placed along the Ekaterinsky Canal. Grigory Isaev had laid a mine on Malaya Sadovaya Street and Anna Yakimova was to watch from the window of her flat and when she saw the carriage approaching give the signal to Mikhail Frolenko.

Tsar Alexander II decided to travel along the Ekaterinsky Canal. An armed Cossack sat with the coach-driver and another six Cossacks followed on horseback. Behind them came a group of police officers in sledges. Perovskaya, who was stationed at the intersection between the two routes, gave the signal to Nikolai Rysakov and Timofei Mikhailov to throw their bombs at the Tsar's carriage. The bombs missed the carriage and instead landed amongst the Cossacks. The Tsar was unhurt but insisted on getting out of the carriage to check the condition of the injured men. While he was standing with the wounded Cossacks another terrorist, Ignatei Grinevitski, threw his bomb. Alexander was killed instantly and the explosion was so great that Grinevitski also died from the bomb blast.

Nikolai Rysakov, one of the bombers was arrested at the scene of the crime. Sophia Perovskaya told her comrades: "I know Rysakov and he will say nothing." However, Rysakov was tortured by the Okhrana and was forced to give information on the other conspirators. The following day the police raided the flat being used by the terrorists. Gesia Gelfman was arrested but Nikolai Sablin committed suicide before he could be taken alive.

The following day Gesya Helfman's flat was raided. Late that night there was a knock on the door, and Gesya, who had been expecting the police, left her room and took the bombs to safety in case they should explode in a shoot-up. Then the police hacked down the door and two shots were heard from inside the house. When the police charged in they discovered Gesya, dishevelled and screaming hysterically; Sablin had killed himself, his brains spilt all over the floor in the next room. Gesya was taken off to prison and a police guard put on her flat. Soon afterwards, Timofei Mikhailov walked into the trap and was arrested immediately.


How photography became a hobby of the Romanovs

Tsar Nicholas II. / Getty Images

The royal family shared an interest in photography, which was popular in the early 20th century across Europe and the U.S. The progress in photo equipment made it affordable to the wider public, and the Russian Emperor himself grew fond of this activity.

Children of Tsar Nicholas II. / Getty Images

The Romanov family owned the best camera of that time ­&ndash a U.S.-made Kodak &ndash and often took pictures of their closest circle and posed for group photos.

This scary photo shows a fun-loving Anastasia, the youngest daughter of Tsar Nicholas II. She was just making faces with artificial teeth in front of the camera. / Getty Images

Empress Alexandra was also very fond of photography. She ordered photo equipment from Great Britain and paid for professional photography services, which made up a significant part of the royal family&rsquos expenditures.

(left to right) Anastasia, Olga, Alexei, Olga's friend Margarita Khitrovo and Maria. / Getty Images

As photography became the favorite hobby of the whole Romanov family, a photo workshop was created in Tsarskoye Selo, an Imperial Residence outside the capital St. Petersburg.

Olga in her bedroom. / Getty Images

Up to 2,000 photos were created every year in the workshop.

Anastasia, Maria, Alexei, Tsar Nicholas II and Nikolai Sablin, an officer in the Imperial Russian Navy, in 1915 in Ropsha, the royal family&rsquos favorite hunting and fishing retreat 20 kilometers south of Peterhof. / Getty Images

Nicholas II also owned a special camera that Kodak made for him exclusively. It allowed him to take panoramic views.

The daughters of Tsar Nicholas II: Maria, Olga and Tatiana. / Getty Images

The photos taken by members of the royal family and their friends later transformed into a kind of &ldquophoto diary,&rdquo capturing their daily lives, looks and characters.

Margarita Khitrovo and Olga. / Getty Images

According to Nicholas II&rsquos published diaries, the family spent many evenings together working on the photo albums.

Tsar Nicholas II and his son and heir Alexei. / Getty Images

Usually, the Tsar and his daughters filed the photos themselves, putting the correct dates and places where the pictures were taken.

The family of Tsar Nicholas II. / Getty Images

Maria and Anastasia decorated the photo albums with flowers and water-colored some of the pictures.

Olga and Nikolai Sablin. / Getty Images

The Tsar&rsquos beloved pastime, which connected him with his people, gives a valuable insight into his character.

Anastasia and Maria visit wounded soldiers in a hospital during the First World War. / Getty Images

The royal photo albums contain pictures of the Tsar&rsquos children, wife and only the closest people.

The royal family. / Getty Images

They rarely show official gatherings and ceremonies.

Tsar Nicholas II with daughters: Maria, Anastasia, Olga and Tatiana. / Getty Images

The Tsar&rsquos camera captured only pleasant moments of the life of his ordinary and harmonious family.

If using any of Russia Beyond's content, partly or in full, always provide an active hyperlink to the original material.


Nikolai Pavlovich Sablin

Sablin was born into a naval family in Mykolaiv. His father was Vice Admiral Pavel Sablin and his brother was Admiral Mikhail Sablin.

Sablin graduated from the Marine Cadet Corps in 1898 and fought in the suppression of the Boxer rebellion in China in 1899-1900. During the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, Sablin was an officer on the cruiser Almaz. From 1906 to 1914 he served on the Imperial Yacht Standart, [1] eventually becoming her commander. In 1914. Sablin became the naval Aide de camp to Tsar Nicholas II [2] [3] and later in World War I commanded a battalion of the Russian Guard. He was dismissed from service after the February Revolution and joined the White Russian forces in Ukraine and South Russia.

Sablin was evacuated from Crimea in 1921 and subsequently lived in Constantinople, Berlin and Paris. [4] He was a prominent member of Russian Exile organisations. Before his death, he wrote his memoirs together with Roman Borisovich Gul detailing his experiences with the Russian Imperial family. Sablin died in Paris and was buried in the Sainte-Geneviève-des-Bois Russian Cemetery.


References

  • This Article is translated from Russian Wikipedia
  • Волков С. В. Офицеры флота и Морского ведомства. М., 2004



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Nikolai Sablin

Nikolai Aleksejevitš Sablin (ven. Никола́й Алексе́евич Са́блин , 22. helmikuuta 1849 Vologda – 14. maaliskuuta 1881 Pietari) oli venäläinen vallankumouksellinen narodnikki.

Nikolai Sablin syntyi aatelisperheeseen. Hän opiskeli Moskovan yliopistossa, liittyi tšaikovskilaiseen narodnikkikerhoon ja levitti vallankumouksellista propagandaa talonpoikaiston keskuuteen. Marraskuussa 1874 Sablin muutti ulkomaille, missä hän liittyi ensimmäiseen internationaaliin ja toimitti Rabotnik-lehteä. Palattuaan Venäjälle hänet pidätettiin maaliskuussa 1875. Hän oli tuomittavana ns. 193:n oikeudenkäynnissä (1877–1878). [1]

Vuonna 1879 hän Sablin liittyi Narodnaja voljaan. Hän toimi sen toimeenpanevan komitean agenttina, Rabotšaja gazeta -lehden toimittajana ja osallistui Aleksanteri II:n murhayrityksiin. Keisarin murhan jälkeen hän ampui itsensä pidätyksen yhteydessä. Sablin tunnetaan myös runoilijana. [1]


The Duality of Democracy: Tomsk, Sablin, and the Ghost of Bukharin.

In the timeline of The New Order: Last Days of Europe, Bolshevik ideologue Nikolai Bukharin became de-facto leader of the Soviet Union instead of Joseph Stalin.

Bukharin was an idealistic leader, if perhaps an authoritarian one. His attempt to manage the economy with a light hand through the New Economic Policy failed, and as a result the war against the Nazi menace was lost, and his Union shattered.

Bukharin's shadow is cast over each and every warlord state in Russia in its own way. But the two I want to talk about are Tomsk and Buryatia, namely how one of them will inevitably end up repeating the mistakes that led to the authoritarianism and fall of the Union in the first place, and how one of them will not. And you might be surprised which is which.

Tomsk, officially the Central Siberian Republic, is an idealistic republic set, appropriately, in central Siberia. At beginning of the game, it is led by Boris Pasternik, but since it is a republic, once he dies it can have several different leaders depending upon who is elected.

Buryatia, officially the Buryat Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, is a warlord state that is rebelling against the last pathetic, legal remnant of Bukharin's Union, which is based in Irkutsk and is led by the chief of the NKVD, Genrikh Yagoda.

Buryatia is led by Valery Sablin, an idealistic young commissar who used to serve under Yagoda before becoming disillusion with his authoritarianism and rebelling in order to try and revive Leninism and start the October Revolution anew.

At game start, Tomsk is already a republic with a functioning government, albeit an emergency one with extraordinary powers. It has a legislature, an established bureaucracy, and a well-liked and respected president.

Buryatia is, despite the language it uses to describe itself as a free socialist republic, a totalitarian dictatorship with massive powers vested in the head of state, government, and party, Valery Sablin. In fact, when people playing the game refer to something that they did as Buyratia, they usually refer to it like Sablin did it personally his name is more synonymous than the name of the state he commands.

It would seem that we can already see which one is fated to repeat the mistakes of Bukharin. And yet.

The system of government that Tomsk utilizes is quite unusual. Instead of political parties that compete in elections, political power in the republic is instead split between Salons, which are collections of artists, scientists, and intellectuals which act like political parties and make decisions on the people's behalf and for the people's benefit, as defined by the Salons. The Salon system is hardwired into the Central Siberian Republic's system of government, and there doesn't seem to be a way for a new Salon or party to enter the political fray, for a Salon to be discredited and booted out if it becomes corrupt and/or authoritarian, or even for an independent candidate to run for high office. In fact, it is not even guaranteed that an individual citizen has a right to vote in Tomsk. If I remember correctly, two Salons in particular restrict voting to only certain people and professions.

Meanwhile, in Buryatia, should Sablin go down his libertarian socialist path, and even to a more limited extent should he go down his more authoritarian route, he consistently devolves and distributes his power. Instead of ruling as an absolute dictator, he surrounds himself with capable aides, advisors, and elected officials. As shown in an event after the annexation of Central Siberia, Sablin personally goes to meet with and reassure the leaders of the anarchist communes, and in another event, he arrive to personally meet with and address the needs of a group of protesters who are worried about food supplies. Sablin has the ability to give real power to the various workers' soviets, which puts the ability to make demands and changes directly in the hands of the common person. Even if he goes down his more totalitarian route, he still tolerates their existence.

More importantly than anything else, though, Sablin can open the All-Union Communist Party membership to anyone who wants to join.

The party is the supreme authority. Its decisions effect everyone's lives and the direction of the entire country. To open party membership is effectively to abdicate his position as dictator. Sablin is now accountable. If he displeases the people, he displeases the party, and will be removed. Sablin trusts the people to trust him, and knows that if he does poorly, he will be removed. And he accepts that as good and right, as part of a functioning democracy.

There is no such acoutnability in Tomsk. The Salons are absolute their word not just law, but constitutional by definition. It means nothing for the constitution to garuntee freedom of speech and assembly the Salons can ignore it without consequences. What will the people do, take them to court? Courts dominated by Salon-friendly judges? Vote for a different Salon? They might not even have the vote at all, and all the Salons have the same accountability issues. Join a Salon and try and make changes on the inside? The vast majority of the population is working class, and theyɽ have to be an artisan or scientist or intellectual to join, and even then, the Salons don't have to let them in.

They do rebel. And for that they are gunned down by the army, which is commanded by the Salons.

Bukharin's Union was dominated by the Communist Party. An elite, exclusive organization, which had determined that it knew best. It knew what the country needed. What the people needed. Even if the people said otherwise. It was, at best, an incapable but well meaning dictatorship. At worst, it was a corrupt, nepotistic farce.

Both Sablin and Tomsk have learned lessons from Bukharin's Union.

Sablin learned all the right ones that the people can only be governed and led with their explicit and renewable consent, that giving them power is far more meaningful and helpful than dictating what is and isn't good for them. That ultimately, he must answer to them, and serves at their leisure, not on his prerogative. That the governors must have shared trust with the governed if any progress is to be made, or else it will all be for nought. You cannot force people to accept a good thing that they don't want and didn't ask for.

The leaders of Tomsk learned all the wrong ones. They have decided that the problem with Bukharin's Union wasn't that the people didn't have power, but that the government had a bad agenda, and that fixing the agenda will somehow solve all the problems that a disenfranchised populace causes. Like Bukharin, they will not give the people a meaningful voice in government. Like Bukharin, they will dictate to the people what is best for them. Because, like Bukharin, they have convinced themselves that they know what is best, and that they don't have to ask people what they think about it. Any choices that are given to the people have already been screened so that each choice is still amenable to the Salons' agendas. And there is no way for the people to change that. If any real change is ever made in Tomsk, or the Central Siberian Republic, or the Republic of Russia, it will be because the people picked up rifles instead of ballots.

Ultimately, Sablin has stepped out of Bukharin's shadow, while Tomsk has shrunk back into it, believing themselves safe merely because their flag lacks a hammer and sickle.

Tomsk has been blessed with a generation of devoted leaders who truly believe in their republican system and in their rhetoric.

In that way, they are much like the United States when it was first born.

But, like in the USA, that generation won't last forever. Cronyism and nepotism will take their toll as the system becomes dominated by apparatchiks and old thinkers who wish to preserve the status quo simply because it is the status quo, even as the world moves on, and eventually the Republic of Russia will be indistinguishably from the Union that preceded it, and its fate will probably be much the same.

(Edit: So, from what I can tell, a lot of people are getting hung up on the ideological difference. To be clear: this isn't about socialism vs. capitalism. I would still be making this point if Sablin was a libertarian capitalist and not a libertarian leninist. The point isn't that socialism is better that is utterly irrelevant and not what I'm saying. What I'm saying is, Sablin understands and deals with the mistakes of Bukharin better then Tomsk does, because his approach to political power dynamics is different from Tomsk's and puts more faith in the average person. I suppose I shouldn't be annoyed because this comes with the territory, but still, I don't give a shit about ideology in this case, please stop bringing it up or accusing me of being biased. Also, posts that consist of one sentence that essentially amounts to "I don't agree/you're wrong" and then don't say why are contrarian and unhelpful, and make me roll my eyes before moving on and forgetting about them, so, maybe put more effort in that just one line if you want to change any minds.)

(Edit #2: So, it seems like a lot of people unconditionally hate Sablin, even though they've never played him. Yes, I am very aware of how his country works, I've only played it four times (and took notes for this thing). It's amazing how many people think they know what he's about without apparently having actually played as him.)

This is why I absolutely love Tomsk (and would probably say that it's my favourite storyline in the mod). You start off thinking that it's a great democracy and the best chance for Siberia or Russia as a whole, and then you look into it and see that it's actually plagued by many fundamental issues that will probably doom it in the long run. (Also minor point, but I don't really think that you can call Sablin totalitarian. Iɽ think that authoritarian is a better way to describe him at the start/ after his authsoc choices .

Agree with totalitarian note totalitarianism is used to describe a system which seeks to control every aspect of its subjects' lives. In OTL mostly used to describe Stalinist Russia, fascist regimes, 1984 and so on. Buryatia does not have the capabilities to exert such total control at start most likely and even if they did Sablin et al have no interest in doing so.

Tomsk does seem perfect for this sort of tragedy to be honest, and it's part of what got me to write that Cracked Idealism post about them. The salon seems doomed to become dysfunctional as time goes on, and though the Humanists try, they are in many ways a product of that very ideology, more so than most. The Decemberists seem like the only ones that are actually trying to address the contradictions within the Salon System.

An excellent post I think! And it's an interesting take on Bukharin's legacy and the Artist's Republic.

Oh hey, it's you! I saw your "I've grown to hate Tomsk's Salon System as a system of democracy. What do you think?" post a while back it's partially what inspired me to make this post, actually!

Sadly, it seems like a lot of people are thinking that this is about socialism vs. capitalism, which isn't my intention. It probably doesn't help that I'm a Sablin-stan under normal circumstances :P I could've made more or less the same point with Komi, but I chose Sablin instead because I've played him more and I'm more familiar with his trees and events, plus, having the neo-leninist and comparing him to Bukharin, who's successor he's rebelling against seemed thematically perfect for something like this.

If I make some time to play as Komi, I might make a Duality of Democracy Two: Komi Boogaloo, explaining why Komi is better than Tomsk. The basic premise is this: Komi being full of radicals and having a large political spectrum isn't a bug, it's a feature (although the paramilitaries still need to be done away with). All those ideologies are there and can gain power democratically because Komi is a real representative democracy. Komi is free. Part of freedom is being able to make bad decisions without someone or something (like an overly protective, anti-radical, coddling constitution) hanging over the voters and restricting their choices, and then having to live with those descisions. If they weren't free to vote away their freedom, they were never free in the first place. Obviously it isn't ideal for Nazis to be politically viable, but the only real way to deal with that is to make real change in people's lives, not try to suppress it.

No independents? Have you actually played Tomsk? Because one of Tomsks major issues is that PEOPLE KEEP RUNNING AS INDEPENDENTS and the salon system may collapse

So I finished writing this and realized that this is a wall of text and a half so I preemptively apologize.

That's not how either system works though. The who gets to vote is, IIRC, mostly focused on the upper house, everyone can vote for the bottom house, what changes is how much power it has. The Decembrists keep the way it works at game start, the Ballistards massively empower it and weaken the lower house to prevent what they see as populist corruption, the Modernists replace the duma with their weird technocratic thingy with a laughably small amount of seats where you have to have a college education to vote. (Which, to be fair to them, isn't them trying to be elitist, just stupid because they make it free and try to expand it on a scale more massive then warlord Russia can afford to manage without a big drop in education quality realistically). The Humanists abolish the upper house entirely, and are very focused on the will of the people although admittedly they ignore the rural population way more than they should. And depending on how the political crisis is resolved independent candidates can be given the right to run based off of a referendum, even if they can't they'll get into supreme court cases about the constitutionality of the upper house and generally participate in government. Most importantly, any elected government can be removed, and most likely will because getting reelected is weirdly hard in Tomsk, and I've never seen it happen when I'm not playing them. Is it perfect? No. Is it elitist at times? Yes. Is it a democracy despite that? Heck yeah.

Next, Sablin. We don't know much about how his state runs but in his libsoc path it's described as a Soviet Democracy, so imma go off that and what little else we have described of his political system, but a big thing that should be gotten out of the way is what isn't there, a way to remove him from power. At no point does anyone run against him on any platform, and there's no point where he has to secure seats for his party in a race against others. None of the mechanics of any other democratic country in TNO are present in a Sablin run, which makes his state look a lot like a dictatorship. Heck, even Pokryshkin loses his power in an actual election, Shukshin doesn't just coup him for being anti-democratic, he runs against him in the one democratic mechanic Novosibirsk has.

But Sablin has a Soviet Democracy! I hear people say. Well. the Soviet Union of our world had a Soviet Democracy, heck even Stalin had it, and we don't call the OTL Soviet Union democratic because Soviet Democracy wasn't all that democratic. Soviet Democracy was a one party system, which it appears Sablin's version is to, even in his libsoc path where he allows ideological dissent. from non-mainstream communist and other leftists that don't agree with him from within the party. IIRC he doesn't let, say, any liberal capitalist parties run or anything else. Next is the structure of Soviet Democracy, where youɽ elect a local representative to your Soviet, and your Soviet would elect a representative to a bigger Soviet that represented a bigger area whoɽ elect one to the next one up the geographic chain, and youɽ eventually get up to the Supreme Soviet, and maybe you see the problem with this democracy already but if you don't, it's extremely watered down, only one position is elected directly by the people and you get one party to elect, so the influence of the people is just basically nonexistent when you get up the the nationwide politics that are so important. It's a vanguard, and that's how it was designed to be.

Regardless, it isn't a dictatorship of the proletariat even in it's best state, just a dictatorship of the dictator and also kind of Braun and the rest of the gang, and even though Sablin is a benevolent dictator, he's still a dictator. Elitist isn't a word usually associated with socialist societies, but Iɽ personally even say it applies to Sablin's USSR, and the real one tbh. It's the implied "we know what is best for the people" attitude that does it for me. Sablin's USSR might be for the people, but it's not of them or by them. That's not to say that Tomsk doesn't have it's own vanguardism, that's specifically what it's four party system is meant to do, but unlike Sablin's vanguard, it has ideological diversity ranging from conservatives to utopian socialists and can be set down the long road to being thrown in the garbage entirely if independents are allowed to run, and even if they aren't they're still a political force advocating for change in other ways. Like both systems have flaws but just because Tomsk actually talks about theirs via Petrov complaining about them to the player constantly, which isn't a thing Sablin has, that doesn't mean Sablin's system is actually better. The most flawed democracy is a hundred times better than the most benevolent dictatorship.


Konstantin Rodzaevsky

70s Rodzaevsky portrait

60's In-Game Biography Click to Show Konstantin Vladimirovich Rodzaevsky was always a man of the East. The perceived oppression of the new Soviet system which he despised from a young age pushed him to flee Blagoveschensk in the Union for Harbin, the city in which the emigrés thrived. There, he became convinced that a system to rival Bolshevism had to be created he found that system in Europe, where Fascism had just been born. The nascent ideology was adopted by many Russians, bitter from their loss in the civil war. A young and charismatic Rodzaevsky grabbed the chance to unite them all under the banner of the swastika, setting crowds on fires with his speeches. He made a promise to return to his homeland one day, and liberate its people.

Shortly after its foundation, the Russian Fascist Party forged a close relationship with the new overlords of Manchuria, Japan. The greatest benefactors of the party supported it throughout its entire existence, until the opportunity for reclamation came with the collapse of the Presidium.

Emboldened by the enthusiasm of his Japanese allies, the leader of the RFP went on a noble crusade to crush Judeo-Bolshevism. However, his dreams of complete liberation were dashed by his rivals: the generals and their Tsar, and worse of all, Mikhail Matkovsky and his band of traitors who looked across the Pacific for help. Konstantin Rodzaevsky, left alone in Zeya as the leader of a mere warlord state, has become enraged, and has vowed to get revenge against all of Russia's enemies, whoever they may be: Jews, Reds, Matkovskyites, Tsarists, anyone who dares challenge the Vozhd. To him, it is the only way to restore the nation to its old days of glory, yet that dream seems further and further away.

70's In-Game Biography Click to Show (Warning: Unmarked Spoilers) Konstantin Vladimirovich Rodzaevsky has been known by many names to many people. To his detractors, he was insane. To his enemies, he was the bandit king. To his supporters, he was the Vozhd. He was the one who led the Russian Fascist Party into Russia. He was the one that began the crusade against the Bolshevik and the Jew. And he was repaid with treachery. Traitors desecrated his vision, slaughtered his comrades-in-arms, and distanced themselves from his movement. Rodzaevsky fell into a great depression, latching onto a drinking habit and increasingly-dangerous paranoia the dark days of Zeya.

But as his enemies were rooted out, and the splitters dealt with the Bolsheviks destroyed and the crazed cultists ground into dust, Konstantin Rodzaevsky found his spirit renewed as the Vozhd and he was reborn: seizing more and more of Russia, he worked to shed his alcoholism, and his paranoia evaporated alongside the last of his internal enemies. Even the perfidious Germans, who the Vozhd had once looked up to, showed their true colors by ignoring him. But this was not a tragedy - it was a revelation. The Vozhd realized that the Germans were stagnant failures who fell short in establishing their own national socialist utopia - the Germans themselves a race of collective disappointment. The Vozhd learned that the Slav would not need the crutch of another.

The National State, the product of Rodzaevsky's hard work, was the first serious step in his vision to forge a Russia strengthened by national socialism. He marches onwards, the fires of national socialism burning in his heart and with full confidence in the future - a national socialist future. A Slavic future.

  • Abhorrent Admirer:
    • His attempt to reach out to Germany for an alliance of National Socialism ends with the German minister of foreign affairs being utterly confused at the contents of the letter. He throws it away, dismissing it as either a prank or the ravings of a madman, leaving only radio silence for Amur, much to Rodzaevsky's anger.
    • Should Yockey become President of the United States, Rodzaevsky will voice his support. Yockey's response upon getting news of this is to rant about culture wars, Slavic civilization, and equate said support to the loyalty of a dog.
    • Over time, he's revealed to be one, in a rather perverse sense, to Sergey Taboritsky. Rodzaevsky progressively becomes more composed and sane (though no less vile) towards the 70s, almost in a warped reversal of Taboritsky's Sanity Slippage.
    • He is also one to Gutrum Vagner, another National Socialist warlord. Both of them are disturbed leaders that practice Nazism and seek an alliance with Germany, who will want nothing to do with either of them and take their diplomatic letters with bewilderment. However, Vagner operates with a cult-like demeanor, worshipping the Germans as gods and believing that they will recognize his organization's attempts to "Aryanize" themselves, while Rodzaevsky does not believe in a Master Race and will eventually conclude that Germany should not be Russia's ally, thinking that they have failed to follow National Socialism and that his nation and people will stand just fine on their own .

    Flag of the Siberian National Republic Flag of the Republic of West Alaska Flag of the United States of Russia

    A warlord state controlled by a splinter group of the Russian Fascist Party, led by Mikhail Matkovsky. Matkovsky's branch of the RFP split with Rodzaevsky over ideological differences, and the two are not getting along nicely.

    • Defector from Decadence: Matkovsky and his faction of the RFP believe that Rodzaevsky is too excessive and too pro-Nazi, so they decided to split off from them.
    • Enemy Mine:
      • While both Matkovsky's Magadan and the White Army in Chita don't like each other very much, they are both aware of how insane and dangerous Rodzaevsky's Amur is, and form a pact early on to take him out of the picture.
      • In an attempt to gain the upper hand against its enemies and counterbalance Japanese interests in the Russian Far East, Magadan under Vozhd Matkovsky seeks aid and recognition from the superpower which is the most opposed to the values of Fascism: the United States of America.
      • The logo of the Magadan Free Radio, as seen in events, is based on the logo of Radio Free Europe.
      • The name of Matkovsky's faction in the newly-founded Russian National Labor Party is Trudoviki (Laborists) - the same name as the Social Democrat group in the Imperial Russia that was led by Alexander Kerensky.

      Alexander Palace Time Machine - Book Finder

      A year-by-year biography, illustrated with photos of Nicholas, his family, possessions, and imperial Russia.

      A handful of rarely seen photos, such as the Borki train wreck, private rooms of the Winter Palace, and Tsesarevich Nikolai Aleksandrovich (Nixa) and the infant Aleksander Aleksandrovich on their deathbeds.

      A nice complementary volume to Romanovs: Love, Power, and Tragedy, though the photographs are significantly smaller.

      this book profile was written by Sarah Miller

      Book Finder

        by Helen Rappaport by Candace Fleming by Victoria F. Plaude by Emmanuel Ducamp & Marc Walter by National Museums Scotland by Larisa Bardovskaia, Victoria F. Plaude, I.G. Stepanenko by Ronald C. Moe by Virginia Rounding by Greg King & Penny Wilson by I.K. Bott (editor) by Vladimir Solov'ev by Igor' Zimin
        by A.N. Bokhanov by Carolyn Meyer by Robert Tyler Stevens by Catherine Gavin by Sarah Miller by Delin Colón by Petra H. Kleinpenning by Margarita Nelipa by Paul Kulikovsky, Karen Roth-Nicholls, and Sue Woolmans by Nikolai Ross by Elizabeth Narishkin-Kurakin by Efimov & Koval'skaia
        by V. I. Yakovlev by K. Protopopov by Pierre Gilliard by Alexis Volkov by Margaret Eagar by Sergei Fomin by Veniamin Vasilievich Alekseyev by M.K. Diterikhs by Kovcheg by Iorma & Pyaivi Tyumi-Nikula by Nikolai Sablin by Olga N. Chernova
        by Novospasskiy Monastyr' by Valentin Speranski by Dmitri Shvidkovsky by Alexandre Spiridovitch by Anthony Summers & Tom Mangold by William Clarke by Eugenie de Grece by Gregory P. Tschebotarioff by E.E. Alfer'ev by V. M. Khrustalev (editor) by Francoise Perraud by Vladimir N. Voeikov
        by Yu. S. Zhuk by Nectaria McLees by V.P. Kozlov (editor) by Raegan Baker (editor), Marina Petrov (translator) by Janet Ashton by M.E. Chupyakova (editor) by Carolly Erickson by Helen Rappaport by Robert Alexander by Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis by Oleg Platonov by Victor Alexandrov
        by Edvard Radzinsky by M. Iroshnikov, L.Protsai, Yu. Shelayev by Aleksandr Vladimirovich Syroboiarskii by Neal Bascomb by Marina Zemlyanichenko and Nikolai Kalinin by Christopher Warwick by Katin-Yartsev and Shumkov by Norman Allen by Kate Moira Ryan by Zoia Belyakova by Marie Fedorovna by N.K. Bonetskaia
        by Carolly Erickson by E. F. Vasyutinskaya by Nina Zvereva by Yu. V. Kudrina by N.S. Batenin, G.V. Vilinbakhov, K.S. Kuzmin by Helen Carrere d'Encausse by Richard S. Wortman by Richard S. Wortman by Frances Welch by John van der Kiste by Virginia Cowles by Virginia Cowles
        by Aleksandr Krylov-Tolstikovich by Larisa Bardovskaia by L.G. Myasnikova & Yu.B. Demidenko by Aleksander Bokhanov by Aleksander Bokhanov by Nectaria McLees by Tatiana Botkina-Melnik by Olga Barkovets, Barkhatova, & Valentina Tenikhina by Olga Barkovets & Aleksandr Krylov by L.V. Bardovskaia by Peter Kurth by Mikhail Iroshnikov, Liudmila Protsai & Yuri Shelayev
        by Carol Townend by David WIlliam Cripps by Alexander Bokhanov, Vladimir Oustimenko, Zinadia Pereguova, & Lyubov Tyutunnik by Robert Massie by Robert Massie & Marilyn Swezey by Charlotte Zeepvat by Robert Alexander by Douglas Myles by Brian Moynahan by Joseph Fuhrmann by Elizabeth Judas by Paul & Beatrice Grabbe
        by V. Kozlov & Vladimir Khrustalev by I. G. Nepein by Yuri Shelayev, Elizabeth Shelayeva, and Nicholas Semenov by George Vilinbakhov, Galina Komelova, Alia Barkovets, Sergei Mironenko & Mikhail Piotrovsky by Prince Michael of Greece by Marilyn Pfeifer Swezey by Robert Massie by Dominic Lieven by Marvin Lyons by Olga Barkovets & Valentina Tenikhina by Ye. F. Vasyutinskaya by Gleb Botkin
        by Andrei Maylunas & Sergei Mironenko by Robert Alexander by Edvard Radzinsky by Larisa Yermilova by Ian Vorres by Greg King by Vladimir Kozlov & Vladimir Krustalev by Alexander von Solodkoff by John Trewin by Greg King & Penny Wilson by Mark D. Steinberg & Vladimir Krustalev by Greg King

      5 Practical Design Tips from Timothy Corrigan

      Timothy Corrigan, a Pallasart client, is one of the most celebrated interior designers in the world. He has offices in Beverly Hills and Paris.

      Anonymous Love Letters - $500

      Did you know that really was a profession? In 1961 you got paid $500 per letter, that would be $4100 today!


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      Vadim Guzun (editor), „Nikolai Vasilievici Sablin: ancheta, procesul și detenția liderului emigrației ruse din România 1958-1962”

      Cea mai recentă lucrare editată de cercetătorul Vadim Guzun, Nikolai Vasilievici Sablin: ancheta, procesul și detenția liderului emigrației ruse din România, 1958-1962, Editura Argonaut, Cluj-Napoca, 2016, este o continuare firească a demersului anterior: Comandorul Sablin: liderul monarhiștilor ruși urmărit de Siguranță și Securitate, 1926-1959 Editura Argonaut, Cluj-Napoca, 2014. Aceste colecții de documente fac parte din seria „Afaceri Orientale” inițiată în anul 2011 cu scopul asumat „de a scoate la lumină subiecte abordate tangențial ori ignorate, dată fiind încărcătura lor politică, cu potențial educativ și de recuperarea memoriei unor destine ce se confundă cu destinul tragic al unei țări abandonate pe orbita Kremlinului. În centrul colecției se află istoria URSS, istoria României și a românilor de pretutindeni, afectați de politicile de sovietizare – problematici de interes pentru cercetători, specialiști în relații internaționale, diplomați, profesori, studenți, toți cei interesați de spațiul estic” .
      Selecția de documente inedite provine din Arhiva CNSAS (fond Penal, volumele I-VI ale dosarului nr. 83010) și urmărește destinul lui Nikolai Sablin de la arestarea acestuia în România (18 martie 1958) până la decesul din Penitenciarul Dej (20 ianuarie 1962). Sablin a fost condamnat la 20 de ani de temniță grea în România, pentru redactarea unei lucrări antisovietice, după ce a fost închis în lagărele din Uniunea Sovietică alți 10 ani (1944-1954).
      Nikolai Vasilievici Sablin s-a născut la 12 octombrie 1880, în Sankt Petersburg, într-o veche familie nobiliară, a fost unul dinte ofițerii superiori fideli țarului Nikolai al II-a al Rusiei care, în 1920, a ales să emigreze în România. Sablin a fost vice-președinte al Societății de Ajutor Mutual a Foștilor Combatanți Ruși de pe Frontul Român (1916-1918), aflați în România după finalul Primului Război Mondial. El a făcut parte și din Marina Regală Română (p. 9-10) . Înainte de a veni la București și a deveni cetățean român, l-a cunoscut îndeaproape pe ultimul țar al Rusiei și pe membrii familiei imperiale . Impresii și fotografii în acest sens au fost publicate de M. E. Malinovskaia .
      În perioada interbelică, din cauza legăturilor strânse cu emigranții ruși, a planat deasupra lui N. Sabiln suspiciunea de colaborare cu Uniunea Sovietică, fapt care nu s-a confirmat (p.10). În decembrie 1944 a fost răpit de contraspionajul sovietic și dus în URSS, unde a primit o condamnare de 20 de ani în lagăr. În mai 1955 a fost predat înapoi autorităților române, fiind eliberat înainte de termen.
      Întors în România, Sablin a intrat în atenția serviciilor secrete de la București, fiind urmărit de acestea pas cu pas. Editorul Vadim Guzun a reușit să-l identifice pe „Popescu Alexandru”, ofițerul responsabil de cazul Sablin, în persoana lui Alexandr Mojanski. Acesta era ofițer al Securității, fiind în același timp și agent sovietic (p. 309-314). Textul lucrării „Impresii din călătoria prin Eldorado” (publicat într-un volum separat ), scris de N. Sablin, după întoarcerea din lagărele sovietice, a fost principalul corp delict în cercetarea și arestarea acestuia în România. În „Impresii din călătoria prin Eldorado” fostul comandor Sablin relatează despre drumul către lagărele sovietice, detalii despre situația din interiorul lagărelor și despre oamenii pe care i-a întâlnit și cu care a conviețuit în închisoare. Lucrarea a fost expediată în Franța prin intermediul Legației Franței de la București și cu ajutorul soției sale, Elena Sablin. În cele din urmă, și ea a fost arestată pentru complicitate (p. 205). Călătoria prin Eldorado a fost calificată drept „profund dușmănoasă și calomniatoare împotriva formei de guvernământ din URSS și a conducătorilor săi și care conține date secrete și nedestinate publicării cu privire la URSS” (p. 13). Sablin însuși a recunoscut la primul interogatoriu că „este un dușman al regimului democrat-popular din RPR și al formei de guvernământ din Uniunea Sovietică, în sensul că nu este de acord cu regimul comunist” (p. 66).
      Documentele selectate și publicate acoperă următoarele aspecte:
      – ancheta penală instrumentată de către Direcția Anchete Penale din cadrul Departamentului Securității, al Ministerului Afacerilor Interne, cu privire la Nikolai Sablin și Elena Sablin, finalizată cu trimiterea în Judecată
      – cele două faze ale procesului aflat pe rolul Tribunalului Militar al Regiunii a II-a Militare București (fond), respectiv, al Colegiului Militar al Tribunalului Suprem al RPR (recurs), finalizate cu condamnarea inculpaților
      – detenția fostului lider al monarhiștilor ruși din România și a soției sale, la penitenciarele Unității militare 0123/E, Jilava, Pitești, Dej, Miercurea Ciuc (p. 19).
      Documentele publicate au fost structurate în ordine cronologică și a fost redactată „Lista și rezumatul documentelor” ce ne oferă informații relevante despre conținutul lucrării. De asemenea, sunt indicate sursele la finalul fiecărui document, iar textul materialelor arhivistice este redactat conform normelor ortografice actuale. Cercetătorii pot vedea, la finalul lucrării, facsimile de fotografii și documente, totodată și indicele de nume și toponime în ordine alfabetică.
      Asemenea contribuții, precum publicarea documentelor inedite ce transpun detalii despre subiecte noi, ignorate și încă neabordate în istoriografie, sunt utile în vederea familiarizării publicului larg și evoluției cercetărilor de specialitate. Constituie o sursă valoroasă pentru studiul subiectelor legate de emigrația rusă, istoria relațiilor româno-sovietice, istoria comunismului și a sovietizării.

      Prezentarea a fost publicată în nr. 2 (decembrie 2015), al revistei, East European Journal and Diplomatic History, apărut sub egida Asociației de Relații Internaționale „Est-Democrația” și a Institutului de Istorie „A. D. Xenopol” din Iași

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